In the aftermath of the Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami in December 2004, the ensuing multinational relief, humanitarian and rebuilding efforts of the Operation Unified Assistance offer examples of international cooperation to sustain and rebuild Asian communities in the post-9/11 security environment. An analysis of these efforts in the light of differing theoretical perspectives provides a forum for debate on the nature of cooperation in the international arena and the implications for ethnic and civil wars in Indonesia and Sri Lanka. Jaime Alvarado and Patrick Mendis also examine international security strategies and the implications for economic prosperity and political stability in sovereign but weak nation-states.

The international community is confronted with a major crisis caused by climate change. Asia’s population density and relative poverty make its people particularly vulnerable to the potentially catastrophic greenhouse effects and related phenomena. Vivek Kumar and Atul Kumar review the position of developing countries in the climate change regime vis-à-vis Annex I countries and specifically analyse the issues and options in engaging Asian giants like China and India in the energy and climate debate. They argue that global cooperation, between “North” and “South”, as well as among countries of the South is required to create synergies between sustainable development and climate change management.

Major Indian Ocean states like India are being courted or challenged by outside powers such as the People’s Republic of China and the United States of America for control of the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). V Shivkumar and Dattesh D Parulekar look at those rivalries and their effects in another fast evolving, resurgent area, the Latin American Continent (LAC) whose colonial history parallels Asia’s own and whose abundant natural resources are much in demand. Leading Asian nations, primarily Japan, China and India are engaging the LAC economically and politically while building bilateral strategic partnerships with some of its states, mainly Brazil, Argentina, Venezuela and Chile.

Economic, environmental and political concerns influence the ways ecosystems are managed. In the past few years, various initiatives have laid down a basis for regional cooperation in Southeast Asia. Borneo presents a good example. Being part of three countries, each with its own regulations, Borneo’s ecosystem is regarded differently by each nation, but it has become clear that the diversity of flora and fauna cannot be sustained if forests are divided into a patchwork. To protect the remnant ecosystems, use forest products in a sustainable way and provide a livelihood for the people living in the area, a new approach needs to be urgently developed. Kavita Arora shows that the concept of trans-boundary conservation cooperation is of great importance in that context.

Pakistan is caught up in a vicious cycle of violence that pits the army against certain tribal groups and fundamentalist organisations. The proposal by General Pervez Musharraf, the country’s ruler since 1999, to establish a social order based on enlightened oderation—seen by many as a stratagem to reconcile the country with US policies —has not met with wide success. Zahid Shahab Ahmed reflects that the nation’s future is fraught with grave threats, although the recently elected governing coalition is trying steps to restore domestic peace.

If Burma (Myanmar) is China’s bridge into South Asia, it is also ASEAN’s and the China factor makes this “passage to India” all the more imperative. ASEAN had more than commercial reasons for admitting Myanmar as a member in July 1997. Its primary motive was geopolitical and power politics is the main factor behind ASEAN’s present support of the Burmese junta. Like India, most ASEAN nations are defining themselves by their closure toward Burma’s democratic movement, which they think must be sacrificed in the name of geopolitical realism. William H Thornton argues that these countries are making a grave mistake. The Saffron rising of the Fall of 2007, he feels, requires a post-realist response that is all the more potent geopolitically because it is morally clear.

The Northeast region of India, wedged between Bangladesh, Myanmar and China contains a mosaic of ethnic and religious groups that is rapidly changing as a result of uncontrolled migration from other parts of India and from neighbouring states. According to Vandana Upadhyay the ensuing social and economic instability manifests in an upsurge of political extremism, xenophobia and violence which has torn asunder the social fabric, undermined the condition of the poor—especially migrants and illegal aliens—and institutionalised terrorism and organised crime.

The World Trade Organisation is one of the most powerful agents of globalisation. It even has the authority to penalise sovereign states when they do not follow the rules it lays down. The secretive “horse trading” which takes place within the WTO’s walls is one of the targets of criticism, particularly from the weaker member states and disadvantaged sectors of society that tend to be the victims of the process. Priya Naik points out that lack of accountability and democratic deficit are two major flaws which threaten the WTO’s survival as an enforcer of the neo-liberal agenda, whose goals and methods are meeting with growing popular skepticism and rejection.