Globalisation has become an inevitable part of our lives. Although it is usually regarded as an economic–political process, it has made a huge cultural impact on the lives of most people. Debates revolve around its merits and demerits and the theme of cultural globalisation is often relegated to the background. This paper evaluates Asia’s role and contribution in general and South, East and Southeast Asia’s role and contribution in particular to cultural globalisation. It illustrates how many ideas and individuals have outgrown nationalism in the age of integration, assimilation, multiculturalism and multiple identities at the international level.

A decade and a half after India enunciated its “Look-East” policy, shortly after the end of the Cold War, Its actual economic linkages with East Asia remain far too low for an aspiring Asian power. This article lays out the overarching geoeconomic and geopolitical variables at play in the region that must inform India’s posture and policy. The author argues that East Asia has evolved into a complex system where security and economic interdependence, rather than working at cross purposes may buttress each other. Furthermore, the structure of economic relations in the region has hitherto had an extraregional driver, which suggests China’s economic rise is based on an extensive multilateral division of labour. India’s immersion into the regional political economy will depend principally on the scale and quality of its manufacturing and industrial sectors.

This paper analyses the enduring partnership between India and ASEAN and the reasons for the proximity between the two. It details why India has adopted a “Look-East” policy, what the policy is, its necessity and whether it is a success or failure. The article also scrutinises the steps taken by the Indian government to improve relations with ASEAN countries, the obstructions in the way and finally looks at the ASEAN–India free trade agreement.

This article looks at the role of the Caspian region in international relations and evaluates diverse theoretical explanations for understanding the main developments, determines which theories provide a relatively clear outlook and the main reasons for the developments. The hypothesis put forth is that the formation of the Caspian region has engendered certain positive changes in regional and international relations while simultaneously a new round of rivalry and competition on the Eurasian continent. While on the one hand the area offers major economic prospects for regional and international cooperation, on the other there is potential for conflict and turmoil.

The first part of this paper highlights the debate between nuclear proliferation optimists and pessimists. It then takes some general theoretical assumptions of deterrence and examines them in the South Asian context. The second part analyses the “second-strike” capability as a strong requirement for stable deterrence in South Asia, while pointing out the risks of uncontrolled escalation and accidental nuclearisation of a conflict between India and Pakistan, due to the uncertainties and deliberate ambiguities in the strategic contingency planning of both countries.

In recent years, one of the most significant threats to Asian security and the nuclear non-proliferation regime has come from the nuclear smuggling network led and operated by the Pakistani scientist Abdul Qadeer Khan. This network was responsible for providing atomic weapons designs and materials to states such as Iran and North Korea. This article analyses the causes and consequences of the “Khan Proliferation Network”. The findings show that the factors responsible for the existence of this smuggling ring did not result from the failures of Western intelligence agencies but rather from a combination of the security environment that existed in Asia and the broader requirements of American foreign policy with respect to its “grand strategy” in Asia.

Pakistan as a nation was hastily cobbled together in the few years immediately preceding the end of British colonial rule. At least two of its five present provinces were incorporated against their will and still harbour separatist intentions in reaction to the overwhelming predominance of the Punjab. The Government of Pakistan regularly invokes the principle of self-determination with regard to the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir, inspite of the fact that the application of this principle to Pakistan would spell the break up of the country. India should confront Pakistan on this and not hesitate to let the logical consequences take their effect on its increasingly unstable and strife torn neighbour.

Since independence, democracy has been on a knife’s edge in Bangladesh. Moreover, corruption, criminalisation and militarization have constantly taken newer shapes in the country. Although, after years of authoritarian and army rule a democratic set-up was established in 1991, the train of democracy was derailed when Bangladesh came under a state of emergency in 2007. Ultimately, however, the military-backed caretaker government succeeded in holding free and fair elections in December 2008, which the Awami Leagueled Grand Alliance won with an overwhelming two-thirds majority. Though democracy has been restored, it needs to be sustained through concerted efforts.

The conflict over the status of Kashmir has eluded a final solution so far, but the evolving global situation will determine its outcome. If the USA and NATO maintain their preponderance and mend their relations with Russia, then neither India nor Pakistan is likely to win the dispute and the status quo will last or might lead to Kashmir’s independence. If on the other hand the emerging Chinese-Russian-Islamic axis prevails,the LoC might be turned into a permanent boundary. The independence of the state is not desirable either for New Delhi or Islamabad and hence shared sovereignty over a democratic, multi-religious, secular Kashmir is a preferred option, which in turn probably correlates with the pacification of Afghanistan and Pakistan and may reduce Chinese influence in South Asia.

The article looks at the situation of Tibet and the position of the Dalai Lama from the standpoint of Confucian ethics and the Buddhist “Middle Way”in order to find a solution to the problem. While acknowledging the legitimate grievances and aspirations of Tibetans, the author argues that the outside world plays an often negative role by seeking to interfere on the basis of subjective opinions and unverified assumptions. It urges the Chinese government to reach an agreement with the exiled Tibetan pontiff so that the latter may come back permanently to his country.